Off course today all the blogs in the world have posted something regarding Obama’s inauguration day. Thus we will not bore you with details you can find all over the net. But as everybody knows Obama’s surge has been one of the main topics and maybe the favorite character of this blog… in fact not only Obama but what he stands for, what the vote for him represents and what the movement behind him means have been valued and supported by this and many other blogs throughout the world.
Therefore we will just say congratulations Mr. Obama, and good luck with the challenge ahead!
Obvio hoy todos los blogs del mundo han comentado algo sobre la toma de posesión de Obama. Por lo tanto aquí no los aburriremos con detalles que pueden encontrar por toda la red. Sin embargo, como todos saben el fenómeno de Obama ha sido uno de los temas principales y quizá el personaje principal de este blog… de hecho no sólo Obama sino lo que representa, lo que representa el voto por él y lo que significa el movimiento detrás de él ha sido valorado y apoyado por este y muchos otros blogs alrededor del mundo.
Por todo lo anterior sólo diremos felicidades Sr. Obama, y buena suerte con el desafío que viene!
martes, 20 de enero de 2009
jueves, 4 de septiembre de 2008
Obama y la autogestión
Acabo de recibir una de las mejores comunicaciones por parte de la campaña de Obama desde que arrancó. El texto es en defensa de los ataques republicanos contra la experiencia en organización comunitaria de Obama.
Las teorías políticas progresistas en el mundo cada vez se acercan más a estos experimentos anarquistas que han probado ser eficaces para atender necesidades de la gente pasando por encima de la burocracia y los sistemas establecidos de poder... desde cualquier frente en cualquier parte del mundo: comunidades enteras que se organizan para autoemplearse después de ser despedidas para contratar mano de obra barata con bajos estándares de salud y protección al ambiente en el tercer mundo, campesinos sin tierra en Brasil, caracoles zapatistas en Chiapas o sindicatos mutualistas en Italia... en todos estos experimentos la gente se organizó para satisfacer sus necesidades sin esperar a que los mecanismos establecidos de poder les dieran algunas migajas para mantenerlos bajo control.
Esto es lo que Obama conoce y sabe como operar... McCain y su equipo no pueden tolerar ser substituidos ni transferir el poder a la gente común... en verdad es tan difícil elegir???
Mensaje enviado la madrugada de hoy por David Plouffe:
I wasn't planning on sending you something tonight. But if you saw what I saw from the Republican convention, you know that it demands a response.
I saw John McCain's attack squad of negative, cynical politicians. They lied about Barack Obama and Joe Biden, and they attacked you for being a part of this campaign.
But worst of all -- and this deserves to be noted -- they insulted the very idea that ordinary people have a role to play in our political process.
You know that despite what John McCain and his attack squad say, everyday people have the power to build something extraordinary when we come together. Will you make a donation of $25 or more right now to remind them?
Both Rudy Giuliani and Sarah Palin specifically mocked Barack's experience as a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago more than two decades ago, where he worked with people who had lost jobs and been left behind when the local steel plants closed.
Let's clarify something for them right now.
Community organizing is how ordinary people respond to out-of-touch politicians and their failed policies.
And it's no surprise that, after eight years of George Bush, millions of people have found that by coming together in their local communities they can change the course of history. That promise is what our campaign has been about from the beginning.
Throughout our history, ordinary people have made good on America's promise by organizing for change from the bottom up. Community organizing is the foundation of the civil rights movement, the women's suffrage movement, labor rights, and the 40-hour workweek. And it's happening today in church basements and community centers and living rooms across America.
Meanwhile, we still haven't gotten a single idea during the entire Republican convention about the economy and how to lift a middle class so harmed by the Bush-McCain policies.
It's now clear that John McCain's campaign has decided that desperate lies and personal attacks -- on Barack Obama and on you -- are the only way they can earn a third term for the Bush policies that McCain has supported more than 90 percent of the time.
But you can send a crystal clear message.
Enough is enough. Make your voice heard loud and clear by making a $25 donation right now:
https://donate.barackobama.com/fightback
Thank you for joining more than 2 million ordinary Americans who refuse to be silenced.
David
David Plouffe
Campaign Manager
Obama for America
Las teorías políticas progresistas en el mundo cada vez se acercan más a estos experimentos anarquistas que han probado ser eficaces para atender necesidades de la gente pasando por encima de la burocracia y los sistemas establecidos de poder... desde cualquier frente en cualquier parte del mundo: comunidades enteras que se organizan para autoemplearse después de ser despedidas para contratar mano de obra barata con bajos estándares de salud y protección al ambiente en el tercer mundo, campesinos sin tierra en Brasil, caracoles zapatistas en Chiapas o sindicatos mutualistas en Italia... en todos estos experimentos la gente se organizó para satisfacer sus necesidades sin esperar a que los mecanismos establecidos de poder les dieran algunas migajas para mantenerlos bajo control.
Esto es lo que Obama conoce y sabe como operar... McCain y su equipo no pueden tolerar ser substituidos ni transferir el poder a la gente común... en verdad es tan difícil elegir???
Mensaje enviado la madrugada de hoy por David Plouffe:
I wasn't planning on sending you something tonight. But if you saw what I saw from the Republican convention, you know that it demands a response.
I saw John McCain's attack squad of negative, cynical politicians. They lied about Barack Obama and Joe Biden, and they attacked you for being a part of this campaign.
But worst of all -- and this deserves to be noted -- they insulted the very idea that ordinary people have a role to play in our political process.
You know that despite what John McCain and his attack squad say, everyday people have the power to build something extraordinary when we come together. Will you make a donation of $25 or more right now to remind them?
Both Rudy Giuliani and Sarah Palin specifically mocked Barack's experience as a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago more than two decades ago, where he worked with people who had lost jobs and been left behind when the local steel plants closed.
Let's clarify something for them right now.
Community organizing is how ordinary people respond to out-of-touch politicians and their failed policies.
And it's no surprise that, after eight years of George Bush, millions of people have found that by coming together in their local communities they can change the course of history. That promise is what our campaign has been about from the beginning.
Throughout our history, ordinary people have made good on America's promise by organizing for change from the bottom up. Community organizing is the foundation of the civil rights movement, the women's suffrage movement, labor rights, and the 40-hour workweek. And it's happening today in church basements and community centers and living rooms across America.
Meanwhile, we still haven't gotten a single idea during the entire Republican convention about the economy and how to lift a middle class so harmed by the Bush-McCain policies.
It's now clear that John McCain's campaign has decided that desperate lies and personal attacks -- on Barack Obama and on you -- are the only way they can earn a third term for the Bush policies that McCain has supported more than 90 percent of the time.
But you can send a crystal clear message.
Enough is enough. Make your voice heard loud and clear by making a $25 donation right now:
https://donate.barackobama.com/fightback
Thank you for joining more than 2 million ordinary Americans who refuse to be silenced.
David
David Plouffe
Campaign Manager
Obama for America
viernes, 29 de agosto de 2008
Obama
After so long I think this deserves the time and space to be shared and commented upon. It's yesterday's speech of Obama when accepting the nomination of the democratic party... only a few parts that I specially liked but you can find the full version here:
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama
"The American Promise"
Democratic National Convention
August 28, 2008
Denver, Colorado
As prepared for delivery
----
….
Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit card bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.
These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.
America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.
…
Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land - enough! This moment - this election - is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: "Eight is enough."
Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.
But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.
…
Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?
It's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.
….
We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job - an economy that honors the dignity of work.
The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great - a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
…
It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.
It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.
That's the promise of America - the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.
That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.
.
Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.
Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.
….
As President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy - wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.
America, now is not the time for small plans.
…
Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.
And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.
Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime - by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less - because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.
…
I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.
….
We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise - the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.
….
I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.
But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.
For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.
America, this is one of those moments.
….
America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise - that American promise - and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.
Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama
"The American Promise"
Democratic National Convention
August 28, 2008
Denver, Colorado
As prepared for delivery
----
….
Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit card bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.
These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.
America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.
…
Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land - enough! This moment - this election - is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: "Eight is enough."
Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.
But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.
…
Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?
It's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.
….
We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job - an economy that honors the dignity of work.
The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great - a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
…
It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.
It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.
That's the promise of America - the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.
That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.
.
Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.
Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.
….
As President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy - wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.
America, now is not the time for small plans.
…
Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.
And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.
Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime - by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less - because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.
…
I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.
….
We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise - the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.
….
I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.
But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.
For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.
America, this is one of those moments.
….
America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise - that American promise - and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.
Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America
sábado, 19 de abril de 2008
En Donceles... Kalashnikov!
Esto no tiene nada que ver con tomas de tribuna, ni adelitas, ni petróleo. Anoche, después de un viernes intenso con el cerebro frito de revisar mil veces cualquier cantidad de documentos... y después de atravesar el tráfico de Paseo de la Reforma en viernes para llegar a un evento de uno de los miles de festivales que tiene esta Ciudad (pero como dice la banda de RadioIbero, el único que SI es festival) en el Teatro de la Ciudad, vimos a Goran Bregovic hacer una verdadera revolución en Donceles con su orquesta de bodas y funerales... al grito de "Al Ataque!!!" hizo a la banda brincar y cantar en un idioma incomprensible para los aztecas... pero no me voy a molestar en seguir describiéndolo porque estará el próximo 27 de abril en el Zócalo de la gran Tenochtitlán... Nos vemos en el Zócalo... Kalashnikov!
martes, 15 de abril de 2008
¿Dónde está el Congreso?
Ante la toma de tribuna en las Cámaras de Diputados y de Senadores por parte de los partidos opositores a la iniciativa de reforma energética presentada por Felipe Calderón, surgen ciertas interrogantes acerca de las alternativas que tiene el partido en el poder para aprobar la reforma. La primera es determinar si las Cámaras pueden sesionar válidamente fuera de los recintos habituales de San Lázaro y Donceles.
Nuestra Constitución deposita el poder legislativo en el Congreso de la Unión, conformado por la Cámara de Diputados y la de Senadores, y establece, en su artículo 63, las condiciones para que las Cámaras puedan cumplir su función de legislar. Dichas condiciones se refieren al mínimo de legisladores (quórum), que deben concurrir para que las Cámaras sesionen. Las leyes y reglamentos del Congreso agregan ciertas condiciones para la validez de las sesiones. Estas condiciones se refieren a los períodos en que deben sesionar las Cámaras y a ciertos requisitos de convocatoria en el caso de períodos extraordinarios, pero no imponen restricción alguna respecto al lugar en donde la sesión se debe llevar a cabo.
Si bien el Reglamento para el Gobierno Interior del Congreso establece en su artículo 194 que “las Cámaras jamás asistirán ni juntas ni separadas, a función alguna pública fuera de su palacio”, este artículo no impide que las sesiones de las Cámaras se realicen fuera de los lugares habituales. Lo anterior porque dicho artículo debe ser interpretado conjunta y sistemáticamente con el resto de los artículos de dicho Reglamento, la Ley Orgánica del Congreso y, sobre todo, la Constitución. En primer lugar, ni la Constitución ni la Ley Orgánica del Congreso, que tienen una mayor jerarquía que el Reglamento, establecen el requisito de que las sesiones deban ser en el Palacio Legislativo. Adicionalmente, el artículo citado del Reglamento se encuentra bajo el apartado “Ceremonial”, que regula ciertos formalismos y actos de protocolo de las Cámaras. Por lo anterior se debe entender que la “función pública” a la que se refiere el artículo son dichos actos de protocolo y no la función primordial de legislar.
En apoyo a la anterior interpretación están los antecedentes históricos de sesiones del Congreso fuera de los recintos habituales. Si se cuenta sólo desde que entró en vigor la Constitución vigente de 1917 (hecha por un Constituyente instalado en un teatro en Querétaro, fuera de la entidad sede de los poderes de la Unión), tres lugares han sido declarados recintos oficiales sólo por un día y para un solo acto: El Estadio Nacional, para la toma de posesión de Calles, Portes Gil, Ortiz Rubio, Abelardo L. Rodríguez y Lázaro Cárdenas; en Bellas Artes, protestaron su cargo Alemán, Ruiz Cortines, López Mateos y Díaz Ordaz, y en ese mismo Palacio López Portillo rindió su informe de gobierno en 1979 y 1980; y el Auditorio Nacional, que fue declarado recinto oficial por los legisladores para las tomas de posesión de 1970 y 1976.
En conclusión, la interpretación sistemática de nuestra legislación nos indica que el Congreso está hecho por el conjunto de legisladores siempre que se reúna el quórum necesario. En otras palabras, las Cámaras son los legisladores no los edificios.
Independientemente de lo anterior, aprobar la reforma energética fuera del recinto habitual de las Cámaras, tendría varias consecuencias. En el plano legal complicaría el cumplimiento de ciertas formalidades para la validez de la sesión, lo que aumentaría el riesgo de que prospere una eventual acción judicial que argumente que la reforma viola la Constitución, ya no sólo por su contenido sino por su procedimiento de aprobación. Este camino puede parecer poco probable porque los legisladores del FAP no son suficientes para interponer una acción de inconstitucionalidad que requiere el 33% de alguna de las Cámaras, y porque se requiere el voto de 8 ministros de la Corte que determinen la inconstitucionalidad de la reforma. Sin embargo, no se deben descartar las fracturas de legisladores del PRI que aprovechen la impopularidad de la reforma para atraer los reflectores con miras a las elecciones de 2009 y que apoyen este recurso judicial. En este escenario, la decisión de la Corte sería difícil de anticipar y depende principalmente del contenido de la reforma y la forma en que se apruebe.
Por otro lado, la aprobación de la reforma por un Congreso atrincherado fuera de su sede habitual enviaría un mensaje de debilidad institucional e ilegitimidad. Independientemente de los riesgos en la percepción de estas señales por parte de agentes económicos, una aprobación de la reforma en estas circunstancias incrementaría el costo político de la reforma.
Sumemos los factores. En primer lugar, la relevancia en la opinión pública del petróleo y su posible privatización. Agreguemos que la iniciativa se basa en un diagnóstico poco convincente, y fue negociada entre PRI y PAN a la sombra del escrutinio público. Por si esto fuera poco, el Secretario de Gobernación que tiene negocios en la industria de hidrocarburos operó la iniciativa, lo que siembra la duda de si está usando su posición de servidor público para beneficiar sus intereses particulares. Por último, la administración de Calderón ha presentado la reforma como la única solución a todos los problemas de PEMEX y buena parte de los del país, sin explicar cómo fue que llegó PEMEX a esa situación financiera y a esa ausencia de infraestructura.
Desgraciadamente, son los cálculos de estos costos políticos, mayorías parlamentarias y futuras elecciones los que decidirán el avance o replanteamiento de la reforma por parte del gobierno, porque al parecer esos conceptos abstractos del “interés general” y el “bien común” se tornan demasiado confusos y poco prácticos como para guiar en estas situaciones a la actual administración.
Nuestra Constitución deposita el poder legislativo en el Congreso de la Unión, conformado por la Cámara de Diputados y la de Senadores, y establece, en su artículo 63, las condiciones para que las Cámaras puedan cumplir su función de legislar. Dichas condiciones se refieren al mínimo de legisladores (quórum), que deben concurrir para que las Cámaras sesionen. Las leyes y reglamentos del Congreso agregan ciertas condiciones para la validez de las sesiones. Estas condiciones se refieren a los períodos en que deben sesionar las Cámaras y a ciertos requisitos de convocatoria en el caso de períodos extraordinarios, pero no imponen restricción alguna respecto al lugar en donde la sesión se debe llevar a cabo.
Si bien el Reglamento para el Gobierno Interior del Congreso establece en su artículo 194 que “las Cámaras jamás asistirán ni juntas ni separadas, a función alguna pública fuera de su palacio”, este artículo no impide que las sesiones de las Cámaras se realicen fuera de los lugares habituales. Lo anterior porque dicho artículo debe ser interpretado conjunta y sistemáticamente con el resto de los artículos de dicho Reglamento, la Ley Orgánica del Congreso y, sobre todo, la Constitución. En primer lugar, ni la Constitución ni la Ley Orgánica del Congreso, que tienen una mayor jerarquía que el Reglamento, establecen el requisito de que las sesiones deban ser en el Palacio Legislativo. Adicionalmente, el artículo citado del Reglamento se encuentra bajo el apartado “Ceremonial”, que regula ciertos formalismos y actos de protocolo de las Cámaras. Por lo anterior se debe entender que la “función pública” a la que se refiere el artículo son dichos actos de protocolo y no la función primordial de legislar.
En apoyo a la anterior interpretación están los antecedentes históricos de sesiones del Congreso fuera de los recintos habituales. Si se cuenta sólo desde que entró en vigor la Constitución vigente de 1917 (hecha por un Constituyente instalado en un teatro en Querétaro, fuera de la entidad sede de los poderes de la Unión), tres lugares han sido declarados recintos oficiales sólo por un día y para un solo acto: El Estadio Nacional, para la toma de posesión de Calles, Portes Gil, Ortiz Rubio, Abelardo L. Rodríguez y Lázaro Cárdenas; en Bellas Artes, protestaron su cargo Alemán, Ruiz Cortines, López Mateos y Díaz Ordaz, y en ese mismo Palacio López Portillo rindió su informe de gobierno en 1979 y 1980; y el Auditorio Nacional, que fue declarado recinto oficial por los legisladores para las tomas de posesión de 1970 y 1976.
En conclusión, la interpretación sistemática de nuestra legislación nos indica que el Congreso está hecho por el conjunto de legisladores siempre que se reúna el quórum necesario. En otras palabras, las Cámaras son los legisladores no los edificios.
Independientemente de lo anterior, aprobar la reforma energética fuera del recinto habitual de las Cámaras, tendría varias consecuencias. En el plano legal complicaría el cumplimiento de ciertas formalidades para la validez de la sesión, lo que aumentaría el riesgo de que prospere una eventual acción judicial que argumente que la reforma viola la Constitución, ya no sólo por su contenido sino por su procedimiento de aprobación. Este camino puede parecer poco probable porque los legisladores del FAP no son suficientes para interponer una acción de inconstitucionalidad que requiere el 33% de alguna de las Cámaras, y porque se requiere el voto de 8 ministros de la Corte que determinen la inconstitucionalidad de la reforma. Sin embargo, no se deben descartar las fracturas de legisladores del PRI que aprovechen la impopularidad de la reforma para atraer los reflectores con miras a las elecciones de 2009 y que apoyen este recurso judicial. En este escenario, la decisión de la Corte sería difícil de anticipar y depende principalmente del contenido de la reforma y la forma en que se apruebe.
Por otro lado, la aprobación de la reforma por un Congreso atrincherado fuera de su sede habitual enviaría un mensaje de debilidad institucional e ilegitimidad. Independientemente de los riesgos en la percepción de estas señales por parte de agentes económicos, una aprobación de la reforma en estas circunstancias incrementaría el costo político de la reforma.
Sumemos los factores. En primer lugar, la relevancia en la opinión pública del petróleo y su posible privatización. Agreguemos que la iniciativa se basa en un diagnóstico poco convincente, y fue negociada entre PRI y PAN a la sombra del escrutinio público. Por si esto fuera poco, el Secretario de Gobernación que tiene negocios en la industria de hidrocarburos operó la iniciativa, lo que siembra la duda de si está usando su posición de servidor público para beneficiar sus intereses particulares. Por último, la administración de Calderón ha presentado la reforma como la única solución a todos los problemas de PEMEX y buena parte de los del país, sin explicar cómo fue que llegó PEMEX a esa situación financiera y a esa ausencia de infraestructura.
Desgraciadamente, son los cálculos de estos costos políticos, mayorías parlamentarias y futuras elecciones los que decidirán el avance o replanteamiento de la reforma por parte del gobierno, porque al parecer esos conceptos abstractos del “interés general” y el “bien común” se tornan demasiado confusos y poco prácticos como para guiar en estas situaciones a la actual administración.
jueves, 31 de enero de 2008
Bogota--Cabo-DF!
Well, as some of you may know yesterday I resigned to my position in Cabo and I am going back to Mexico City. The main reason, I need to go back to a place where things actually happen, and people are more real. I will return to the firm I was before the Master degree.
There are several changes going down so fast, and certainly seeing again good friends from DC in Bogotá helped me to clarify my view... maybe we are all in a permanent crisis but only a few times in life we are brave enough to admit it.
As I see it now attending the wedding of George and Malpi, a small talk smoking narghile with Jorge, partying with Subuena (if you know her you'll understand the nickname!), and talking to malpi's brother who reminded me the idealist I was years ago, helped me to gain some perspective and take the step I am taking now.
There are several changes going down so fast, and certainly seeing again good friends from DC in Bogotá helped me to clarify my view... maybe we are all in a permanent crisis but only a few times in life we are brave enough to admit it.
As I see it now attending the wedding of George and Malpi, a small talk smoking narghile with Jorge, partying with Subuena (if you know her you'll understand the nickname!), and talking to malpi's brother who reminded me the idealist I was years ago, helped me to gain some perspective and take the step I am taking now.
Indio back to the indieland... what would be of this world without second chances???
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